曾两任英国大法官的许琛(Quintin McGarel Hogg, Baron Hailsham of St Marylebone)在 1976 年推广了「行政主导」(executive dictatorship )的概念,描述英国当时的的政治现状,「I envisage nothing less than a written constitution for the United Kingdom, and by that I mean one which limits the powers of Parliament and provides a means of enforcing these limitations either by political or legal means. This is the essence of the matter…」,政党——政府——议会(下议院)之间的关系已经构成的「选举独裁」(elective dictatorship)。虽然数年后保守党夺回权力,许琛的态度发生转变,且这一概念在政治学界饱受批评,但许多研究香港问题的学者还是用它描述香港行政机关与立法机关的关系。
虽然「潘晓颖命案」早已不是香港所面对的第一起涉及引渡问题的司法案件,但香港政府却表示此次将能一劳永逸解决问题,提出《2019 年逃犯及刑事事宜相互法律協助法例 ( 修訂 ) 條例草案》(Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019)。保安局局长李家超以「鸵鸟」批评前几任特首,林郑月娥也在立法会质询上表示这一点。她及其行政团队也一直认为当年修法的「漏洞」不是出于对中国大陆人权问题及司法公正问题的考量。
「…only to enter into extradition relations with Governments whose judicial system, penal conditions and human rights standards are of an acceptable level…」
「If things are to remain as they currently are for the 50 years following the hand-back to China, presumably the necessary standards will continue to apply.」
为了让世界知道,曾经在社会主义阵营里跟着老大哥后面的中国,今日已经可以与其平起平坐了,北京让全球记者进驻,并开放卫星通讯报道。结果出人意料的是,展现在全球记者和媒体面前的天安门广场不是来华访问的苏联总书记戈尔巴乔夫,而是提出政治改革诉求的学生,和同样提出不满的受经济发展不均衡而生活跌落困苦的工人。国际威望大打折扣使权力的天平倒向了了保守派,武力镇压的处理方法令所有观察「新中国」的研究者错愕,「Not since the Iranian revolution have the analysts beenso surprised by global developments of such strategic and social significance.」